Galileo 1636

Galileo, Nov-antiqua sanctissimorum patrum (Strassburg, 1636)

In response to gathering criticism, Galileo in 1615 wrote a reconciliation of Scripture and Copernicanism which circulated in manuscript as the Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina. This is the first printed edition, which appeared in 1636.   Galileo cited Augustine throughout.  In theory, nothing would have prevented theologians at the time from accepting the Copernican system, had they rigorously followed their own explicitly formulated principles of interpreting Scripture.

Pope John Paul II used Galilean language to affirm similar hermeneutical principles in 1992. However, no theologian then or now was persuaded by the weakest and most provocative part of Galileo’s letter, where he argued that he could prove Copernicanism from scripture.

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Newton 1713

Isaac Newton, Philosophiae naturalis principia mathematica (London, 1713), 2nd ed.

This is the 2nd edition of Newton’s masterwork in physics.

The Copernican idea that the Earth moves as a planet required a thorough revision of physics. Galileo undertook this task in his Discourse on Two New Sciences, published 95 years after Copernicus. With a mathematical description of the law of universal gravitation, Newton in this book unified the terrestrial physics of Galileo with the celestial mechanics of Kepler’s laws. The development of science from Copernicus to Newton then became recognized as a “Scientific Revolution,” a complete overthrow of Aristotelian physics and cosmology.

The second edition of Newton’s Principia contains several interesting changes from the first, intended to heighten the contrast between Newton and Descartes, including Cartesians such as Leibniz, with whom Newton had become embroiled in scientific and philosophical controversies.  Newton expunged the term “hypothesis” from his description of his own methodology in the second edition.  He retained it only to derogate physical mechanisms postulated by Descartes.  In the first sentence of the “General Scholium,” which was also new to this edition, Newton began his attack:  “The hypothesis of vortices is pressed with many difficulties.”  Another major change in the 1713 edition was the inclusion of a manifesto by its editor, Roger Cotes, the Plumian Professor of Astronomy and Experimental Science at Trinity College, Cambridge.  Cotes’ preface, written 63 years after the death of Descartes and 26 years after the first edition of the Principia, defended the Newtonian methodology from charges of occultism raised by Leibniz and other continental critics, and propagandized it as conveying the best theology as well.

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Newton 1687

Isaac Newton, Philosophiae naturalis principia mathematica (London, 1687)

The Copernican idea that the Earth moves as a planet required a thorough revision of physics. Galileo undertook this task in his Discourse on Two New Sciences, published 80 years after Copernicus. With a mathematical description of the law of universal gravitation, Newton in this book unified the terrestrial physics of Galileo with the celestial mechanics of Kepler’s laws. The development of science from Copernicus to Newton then became recognized as a “Scientific Revolution,” a complete overthrow of Aristotelian physics and cosmology.

Newton’s title in the Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy (1687) is a deliberate rejection of Descartes’ approach to scientific explanation in the Principles of Philosophy (1644).  Whereas Descartes engaged all of philosophy, deducing cosmology from first principles of ontology and epistemology, Newton claimed only to address “Natural” philosophy.  And whereas Descartes’ “Principles” were mechanical causes, even hypothetical ones, Newton argued that “Mathematical” laws suffice for science, since they are certain, even if they are only descriptive rather than causal.

A past owner of the Oklahoma copy placed it flat on the bookshelf for storage.  To identify it, he wrote on the bottom of the text block the words “Matematica Neutun” (Mathematica, Newton).

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Newton 1733

Isaac Newton, Observations on the Prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St. John (London, 1733)

For Newton, science and the Bible were not opposed, provided that one understood each correctly. In this study of the apocalyptic book of Daniel, Newton affirmed that God’s dominion in history is shown by fulfilled prophecy, and that God will soon put an end to idolatry and restore authentic monotheism.

“Blinded by the brilliance of the laws of motion, the laws of optics, the calculus, the concept of universal gravitation, the rigorous experimentation, the methodological success, we have seldom wondered whether the discovery of the laws of nature was all Newton had in mind. We have often missed the religious nature of his quest and taken the stunningly successful by-products for his primary goal. But Newton wished to look through nature to see God, and it was not false modesty when in old age he said he had been only like a boy at the seashore picking up now and again a smoother pebble or a prettier shell than usual while the great ocean of Truth lay all undiscovered before him…. Newton’s goal was a unified system of God and nature.” 

Betty Jo Dobbs, Janus Faces of Genius (1991)

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Vesalius 1546

Andreas Vesalius, Epistola (Basel, 1546)

ABC’s of the life of medical students:

The decorative initials used in this edition of Vesalius’ correspondence are identical to 22 different initials originally printed in De fabrica (1543). Such “historiated initials” tell stories.  Little putti carry out the various tasks of a medical student, such as cleaning bones in river-water, performing a phlebotomy, inserting a catheter, articulating a skeleton, dissecting a decapitated head, or vivisecting a pig.

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Vesalius 1555

Andreas Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica (Basel, 1555), 2d ed.

This book is without doubt the most handsome anatomical work of the 16th century. A dozen “muscle men” walk through its pages, removing skin and organs layer by layer, like discarding old clothes. Vesalius was fortunate to team up with Jan Stephan van Calcar, a world class artist. Even the human skeletons reveal an aesthetic appreciation of the human body. This book illustrates the convergence of art and anatomical study in the Renaissance.

The title page displays Vesalius conducting a public autopsy. Perhaps a vivisection of the dog or monkey will follow. At the top of the 1543 edition, the initials I-O stand for Johannes. The Johannes in question was Vesalius’ partner in producing the work, the artist Jan Stephan van Calcar, a student of Titian. Jan Stephan died shortly after the book was published and his contribution is not widely appreciated.

The title page of this 1555 edition of De fabrica resembles the 1543 edition but is less artistically executed. Significantly, the initials IO were removed.

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Vesalius 1543

Andreas Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica (Basel, 1543)

Best known work of early modern anatomy:

Vesalius was fortunate to team up with Jan Stephan van Calcar, a remarkable artist. Even the human skeletons reveal an aesthetic appreciation of the human body. The images of De fabrica are often regarded as Vesalius’ major contribution to Renaissance medicine. That the text of De fabrica was built around the illustrations of a student of Titian reveals the significance of the Renaissance convergence of art and anatomical illustration.

This book is without doubt the most handsome 16th-century anatomical work. The title page displays Vesalius conducting a public autopsy. Perhaps a vivisection of the dog or monkey will follow. At the top, the initials I-O stand for Johannes. The Johannes in question was Vesalius’ partner in producing the work, the artist Jan Stephan van Calcar, a student of Titian. Jan Stephan died shortly after the book was published and his contribution is not widely appreciated.

Vesalius was fortunate to team up with a world class artist. Even the human skeletons reveal an aesthetic appreciation of the human body.

In contrast to Roman-era taboos prohibiting physical contact with the dead, this series of works, from Mondino to Vesalius, represents a new aesthetic toward the human body. When Melanchthon was reforming the curriculum of the universities founded by the Lutherans during the Reformation, he settled upon the study of Vesalius as the most suitable replacement for traditional undergraduate study of Aristotle. Human anatomy took its place in the common core.

The title page of the second edition, published in 1555 and on display at Headington Hall, resembles the first edition but is less artistically executed. Significantly, the initials IO were removed.

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Estienne 1545

Charles Estienne, De dissectione partium corporis humani (Paris, 1545)

Clip art with woodblocks:

Estienne obtained a number of woodblocks from an obscure artist. To show anatomical detail, he cut little rectangles out of the art woodblocks and substituted his own diagrammatic drawings. If you look closely, you can see the white outlines of the rectangular diagram, inset within the larger art woodblock.

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Mondino 1507

Medieval human dissection manual:

Written in 1316 by a professor of medicine at the University of Padua, the
Mondino dei Luzzi, Anothomia (Venice, 1507)

Anatomy of Mondino was the most widely-used manual for human dissection in the middle ages. To the modern eye, the most striking thing about this early edition is the lack of illustrations.

In the Middle Ages, universities revived the practice of human dissection, which had been prohibited by the Romans due to ethical concerns and taboos about contact with the dead. A profound cultural shift was occurring, which led to an early modern convergence between art and anatomy. 

Written in 1316 by a professor of medicine at the University of Padua, the Anatomy of Mondino was the most widely-used manual for human dissection in the middle ages. To the modern eye, the most striking thing about this early edition is the lack of illustrations. This 1507 edition reproduces the nature of the manuscript tradition, before the advent of printing.

Medieval medical pedagogy featured lectures on ancient texts, although students in most universities by 1400 attended dissections which illustrated the lectures. Human cadavers were obtained after criminal executions. Very practically for an age without adequate preservatives, Mondino’s method began with the abdomen (subject to most rapid decay) and worked outward. Mondino advocated the study of human anatomy not merely on utilitarian grounds as a prerequisite for medicine, physiology, or law, but also as a worthy and noble endeavor in itself.

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Mondino 1541

Mondino dei Luzzi, Anatomia (Marburg, 1541), ed. Johann Dryander

Art and anatomy converge in an illustrated manual:

These human figures are more than utilitarian: walking against a real background, posed as if revealing to our eyes the unseen beauty and wonder of human anatomy; they also reflect an increasingly artistic approach to the human body.

The dissection manual of Mondino was printed with many illustrations in the commentary on Mondino published in 1521 by Berengario da Carpi of Bologna. Those illustrations are reprinted in this edition. The Printing Revolution made possible an increased use of visual representations.

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